Saturday, July 18, 2015

Same-sex Marriage Ruling Carries Risks


"President Obama now says that it is important for him to affirm that same-sex couples should be able to get married. As such, for him, 'marriage' is now nothing more than a union between any two consenting adults. So, then, what is the President’s position on polygamy? Is it  'evolving,'as well? If so, why is the number 'two' sacred? If 'consent' between 'adults' is the key, what’s wrong with consensual polygamy?" -- John Donald O'Shea,  May '12,  "Is polygamy a constitutional right?"

The U.S. Supreme Court in Obergeffell v. Hodges (2015) has now held that two people of the same sex have a constitutional right to marry. Do you see any problems with that holding? Risks?

If fundamental liberty requires that any two (competent) consenting individuals must be allowed to marry, how can there be a bar to the marriage of three -- or more -- (competent) consenting adults?

What constitutional principle demands that any two consenting adults must be allowed to marry, while at the same time denying the same fundamental liberty to three or more consenting adults?

If the sex of the partners is irrelevant, and if all that is required of the two people is their consent, how can three or four — or more — consenting adults be barred from practicing polygamy?

Justice Anthony Kennedy, writing for the majority in Obergeffell, largely ignores those questions.

Chief Justice John Roberts, in dissent, however, squarely addresses the polygamy (plural marriage) question, with emphasis on the “historical aspect of marriage being between a man and a woman for over a 1,000 years.”

“One immediate question invited by the majority’s position is whether States may retain the definition of marriage as a union of two people.

“Although the majority randomly inserts the adjective ‘two’ in various places, it offers no reason at all why the two-person element of the core definition of marriage may be preserved while the man-woman element may not.

“Indeed, from the standpoint of history and tradition, a leap from opposite-sex marriage to same-sex marriage is much greater than one from a two-person union to plural unions, which have deep roots in some cultures around the world.

“If the majority is willing to take the big leap, it is hard to see how it can say no to the shorter one.”
The chief justice then examined the majority’s justifications for same-sex marriage, and shows they would also justify polygamy.

“It is striking how much of the majority’s reasoning would apply with equal force to the claim of a fundamental right to plural marriage.

“If ‘there is dignity in the bond between two men or two women who seek to marry and in their autonomy to make such profound choices,’ why would there be any less dignity in the bond between three people who, in exercising their autonomy, seek to make the profound choice to marry?

“If a same-sex couple has the constitutional right to marry because their children would otherwise ‘suffer the stigma of knowing their families are somehow lesser,’ why wouldn’t the same reasoning apply to a family of three or more persons raising children?

“If not having the opportunity to marry ‘serves to disrespect and subordinate’ gay and lesbian couples, why wouldn’t the same ‘imposition of this disability,’ serve to disrespect and subordinate people who find fulfillment in polyamorous relationships?”

So if two consenting adults have a constitutional right to marry, why not three? Is two more sacred than three? More constitutional? If the states can’t constitutionally define marriages as being “between a man and a woman,” what constitutional principle  would allow same-sex marriage, but bar polygamy?  Is the harem now legal in America?

Justice Kennedy, speaking for the majority, also gives a fourth justification: “With respect to this asserted basis for excluding same-sex couples from the right to marry, it is appropriate to observe these cases involve only the rights of two consenting adults whose marriages would pose no risk of harm to themselves or third parties.”

But to say there is no risk of harm to third parties is absurd. Already a baker in Oregon has been assessed $135,000 in damages for failing to cater a same-sex marriage. If that verdict stands, Justice Kennedy’s assertion that the right of two consenting adults poses “no risk of harm to third parties,” comes from five judges wearing blinders.

Nor does Justice Kennedy fear for the First Amendment religious rights of people opposed to same-sex marriage.

“Finally, it must be emphasized that ... those who adhere to religious doctrines, may continue to advocate ... that, by divine precepts, same-sex marriage should not be condoned. The First Amendment ensures that religious organizations and persons are given proper protection as they seek to  teach the principles ... central to their lives and faiths, and to their own deep aspirations to continue the family structure.”

Justice Kennedy reassures Americans that may still believe and teach that same-sex marriage is wrong. But do you see any assurance that Americans can still engage in the free exercise of their religion -- also guaranteed by the first Amendment -- by refusing to participate in or assist in a same-sex marriages?

Certainly the Oregon Labor Commission didn’t. How else do you explain their $135,000 damage assessment? What about contentious objectors? Does not the free exercise of religion guarantee the right not to participate -- to contentiously object? To not seemingly approve?

Make no mistake: I am not opposed to people or their legislators permitting same-sex marriage. That’s called democracy. The issues raised by Justice Roberts and the Oregon damage award spotlight the folly of judges deciding public policy questions and creating new constitutional rights under the guise of interpreting  the constitution.


Posted: Friday, July 17, 2015 11:00 pm, QCOnline

Saturday, July 11, 2015

Marriage Ruling, Constitutional Law or "Putsch?"



               " ...  nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or  property, 
               without due process of law; nor to deny to any  person within its 
               jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."
                                                                      -- U.S. Constitution, 14th Amendment




On June 26, the U.S. Supreme Court in Obergefell v. Hodges, held “[T]he right to marry is a fundamental right inherent in the liberty of the person. Under the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment couples of the same-sex may not be deprived of that right and that liberty. The Court now holds that same-sex couples may exercise the fundamental right to marry.”

Regardless whether you favor or oppose same-sex marriage, this decision is terrible constitutional law. (Note: I am discussing only constitutional law; not whether same-sex marriage is right or wrong.)

My test of whether something is constitutional or not, is answered by this simple question:

If the people who ratified the constitution, and later approved the 14th Amendment in 1868, had known at those times that the Constitution and the amendment would subsequently be given the interpretation that the five judges in this case gave it, would they have ratified the Constitution or approved the 14th Amendment?  In ratifying the 14th Amendment, did the American people ever, for an instant, dream that the word “liberty” as used in the amendment encompassed the right of same-sex couples to marry?

In a democracy the people -- not the judges —-- have a right to rule. Our Constitution, and our state constitutions, give the people and their elected representatives the power and the right to make the laws. The judges have a sworn duty to support the Constitution; not to rewrite it. There is nothing more destructive to the concept of constitutional government  than five unelected judges ignoring the intent of the people who ratified the Constitution and amendment, and giving it their own more enlightened modern-day interpretation.

When judges “discover” a heretofore unknown constitutional right, they strip the people and their  elected representatives of power to decide the question for themselves.

Justice Anthony Kennedy, author of the majority opinion writes:

“The generations that wrote and ratified the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth
Amendment did not presume to know the extent of freedom in all of its dimensions,
and so they entrusted to future generations a charter protecting the right of  all persons to enjoy liberty as we learn its meaning. When new insight reveals discord between the Constitution’s central protections and a received legal stricture, a claim to liberty must be addressed.

“The right to marry is fundamental as a matter of history and tradition, but rights come not from ancient sources alone. They rise, too, from a better informed understanding of how constitutional imperatives define a liberty that remains urgent in our own era.

“The right of same-sex couples to marry that is part of the liberty promised by the Fourteenth Amendment is derived, too, from that Amendment’s guarantee of the equal protection of the laws.”


So would the people who ratified the Constitution (or the 14th Amendment) have done so, if before they voted to ratify, they had been told that someday five judges  -- armed with “new insights” -- would say the word liberty as used in the Constitution includes the right of same-sex couple to marry?

Stripped of all legal gobbledygook, what Justice Kennedy really means is that the people who wrote the Constitution and the 14th Amendment were too benighted to understand that that liberty — as they used the term — meant the right (liberty) of people to contract same-sex marriages and that it was the duty of five 21st-century judges with new insights and a better formed understanding to fix that omission, even if it meant unelected judges ignoring the intent of the American people who ratified the Constitution, and later, the 14th Amendment.

In his dissent, Justice Anontin Alito excoriates what he labels “judicial hubris.”


“But what really astounds is the hubris reflected in today’s judicial Putsch. The five Justices who compose today’s majority are entirely comfortable concluding that every State violated the Constitution for all of the 135 years between the Fourteenth Amendment’s ratification and Massachusetts’ permitting of same-sex marriages in 2003. They have discovered in the Fourteenth Amendment a “fundamental right” overlooked by every person alive at the time of ratification, and almost everyone else in the time since.

"They see what lesser legal minds -- minds like Thomas Cooley, John Marshall Harlan, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., Learned Hand, Louis Brandeis, William Howard Taft, Benjamin Cardozo, Hugo Black, Felix Frankfurter, Robert Jackson, and Henry Friendly -- could not. They are certain that the People ratified the Fourteenth Amendment to bestow on them [i. e., the five unelected judges composing the majority] the power to remove questions from the democratic process when that is called for by their ‘reasoned judgment.’ These Justices know that limiting marriage to one man and one woman is contrary to reason; they know that an institution as old as government itself, and accepted by every nation in history until 15 years ago, cannot possibly be supported by anything other than ignorance or bigotry. And they are willing to say that any citizen who does not agree with that, who adheres to what was, until 15 years ago, the unanimous judgment of all generations and all societies, stands against the Constitution.”

Today, many Americans are ecstatic. But if five judges can redefine “liberty” to encompass same-sex marriage, tomorrow five other judges can redefine “person” to exclude blacks and fetuses, as they did in the Dred Scott and Roe v. Wade opinions. Today’s benevolent oligarchy, can all too easily become tomorrow’s tyranny.

By the way, “putsch” means “a violent attempt to overthrow a government.”



Posted: Friday, July 10, 2015 11:00 pm - QCOnline
By John Donald O'Shea




Copyright 2015
John Donald O'Shea

Wednesday, July 8, 2015

Save the Polar Bears, Murderers; Abort the Fetuses


         

More than 50 million fetuses have been aborted in America. Does anybody care? Can minds be changed?

On May 6, 2015, the New York Times, citing the New England Journal of Medicine, wrote,

"A study of thousands of premature births, found that a small minority of babies born at 22 weeks who were medically treated survived with few health problems. ...  Leading medical groups had already been discussing whether to lower the consensus on the age of viability, now cited by most medical experts as 24 weeks."

The U.S. House recently passed the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act, to restrict abortions after the fifth month of pregnancy. Should it pass the Senate, the president -- who has opened the borders to save Central American Children --  threatens to veto it.

In the encyclical Laudato Si, Pope Francis has now tied saving the planet with saving unborn children:

"Since everything is interrelated, concern for the protection of nature is also incompatible with the justification for abortion. How can we genuinely teach the importance of concern for other vulnerable beings ... if we fail to protect a human embryo? ... If personal and social sensitivity towards the acceptance of the new life is lost, then other forms of acceptance that are valuable for society also wither away.”

So, will what doctors, Congress and the pope have to say change any minds?

Are humans -- including fetuses -- animals? The People for the Ethical Treatment of Animal's website inanely makes clear that the questions are irrelevant.

"PETA does not have a position on the abortion issue, because our focus ... is the alleviation of the suffering inflicted on nonhuman animals. … And just as the pro-life movement has no official position on animal rights, neither does the animal rights movement have an official position on abortion."

You would think the ACLU might care. After all, its Capital Punishment Project works toward the repeal capital punishment. Indeed, the ACLU claims,

"The death penalty in America is a broken process. … Death sentences are predicted not by the heinousness of the crime but by the poor quality of the defense lawyers, the race of the accused or the victim, and the county and state in which the crime occurred. From 1976 to 2015, 1,392 executions occurred in the United States, and 995 of them took place in the South. Time and time again, we have proven that the criminal justice system fails to protect the innocent and persons with serious mental disabilities and illnesses from execution. … Every method of execution comes with an intolerably high risk of extreme pain and torture.”

The ACLU states that in the U.S. during a 30-year period, there were 1392 executions; since Roe v. Wade there have been more than 50 million fetuses executed. It claims, "Death sentences are predicted not by the heinousness of the crime.” But the death sentence can be imposed only for a conviction of murder; are not all murders heinous by definition?

The ACLU is concerned about "the poor quality of defense lawyers.” But the murder defendant at least gets a lawyer -- unlike the fetus. And why is the race of the victim and the county and state involved of more consequence to a murderer than to a fetus?


The ACLU argues "the criminal justice system fails to protect the innocent."  Is the fetus less innocent than a murderer?


Is application of the death penalty in a murder case, after innumerable appeals,  more random than an abortion performed on a mother's whim?

What is the ACLU's position on late-term abortion?

"The ACLU opposes the so-called Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003 … because it outlaws safe abortion procedures and thus threatens women’s health and reproductive rights. ...  it bans safe and common abortion methods used in the second trimester of pregnancy, well before fetal viability. It also lacks an exception to protect women’s health.”

But the act would also ban abortions on "viable" children, and third-trimester abortions. Are a mother's health and reproductive rights more important than the rights of a child not to be exterminated?

According to National Right to Life organization, during a partial birth abortion,

"The abortionist punctures the base of the baby’s skull with a surgical instrument, such as a long surgical scissors. ... He then inserts a catheter (tube) into the wound, and removes the baby's brain with a powerful suction machine. This causes the skull to collapse."

How many abortions are really necessary and performed to save the life or health of the mother?

Do churches really care? The pope has jumped aboard the planet-saving bandwagon, linking abortion with saving the planet. How many of those who march carrying placards demanding that we save the planet, whales and lab rats give a damn about saving unborn babies, who are scientifically
demonstrably human? How long has it been since you heard a homily condemning abortion? Urging the congregation to vote against a party or candidate who is pro-abortion?

I have previously argued that the fetus is unquestionably  -- as a matter of science -- more than a part of it's mother. It unarguably also carries its father's DNA. Ipso facto, it is a human being, distinct from both its mother and father.

The world condemns Hitler because he treated Jews as subhuman, and the slavery of the antebellum South because it regarded blacks as subhuman. We are appalled at the carnage of the Islamic State, which treats non-Muslims as subhuman.

So,  why does a convicted murderer have more human worth and evoke more compassion than an innocent fetus?

If we kill our children, how can our nation claim the high moral ground? Today, in America, more opprobrium attaches to kicking a cat.


If morality is not dead in 21st century America, then how can we ignore the pope when he asks, "How can we genuinely teach the importance of concern for other vulnerable beings … if we fail to protect a human embryo?"

Posted: Tuesday, July 7, 2015 11:00 pm QuadCitiesOnline
Updated: 11:00 pm, Tue Jul 7, 2015.