Note: The op ed below was originally published on Jan. 25, 2008.
I believe time and events have proved me right
A few years ago, our President began a nationwide address, saying
I believe time and events have proved me right
A few years ago, our President began a nationwide address, saying
“I want to explain why I have decided, with the unanimous recommendation
of my national security team, to use force in Iraq; why we have acted now;
and what we aim to accomplish.”
The President then gave his explanation.
“Saddam Hussein must not be allowed to threaten his neighbors or
the world with nuclear arms, poison gas or biological weapons.”
The President then acknowledged that other countries possess weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles, but pointed out why such weapons in Saddam’s hands posed a danger that required immediate military action.
“With Saddam, there is one big difference: He has used them. Not once, but
repeatedly.Unleashing chemical weapons against Iranian troops during
a decade-long war. Not only against soldiers, but against civilians, firing Scud
missiles at the citizens of Israel, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Iran. And not only
against a foreign enemy, but even against his own people, gassing Kurdish
civilians in Northern Iraq.”
The President then discussed Iraq’s failure to cooperate with the U. N. Inspection team, saying
“Saddam's deception has defeated their effectiveness. Instead of the
inspectors disarming Saddam, Saddam has disarmed the inspectors.”
The President gave a bleak assessment of the situation.
“This situation presents a clear and present danger to the stability
of the Persian Gulf and the safety of people everywhere. The international
community gave Saddam one last chance to resume cooperation with
the weapons inspectors. Saddam has failed to seize the chance.”
And finally, the President warned
“The decision to use force is never cost-free. Whenever
American forces are placed in harm's way, we risk the
loss of life. ... Heavy as they are, the costs of action must
be weighed against the price of inaction. If Saddam defies
the world and we fail to respond, we will face a far greater
threat in the future. Saddam will strike again at his neighbors.
He will make war on his own people. And mark my words, he
will develop weapons of mass destruction. He will deploy them,
and he will use them. Because we're acting today, it is less likely
that we will face these dangers in the future.”
Did the President lie when he said these things on December 16, 1998? I don’t think so. When he spoke, I believe President Clinton spoke in utter good faith. For the same reason, I don’t believe President Bush lied after 9-11-2001 when he later said the same things.
We have now been in Iraq for five years. As we approach the mid term elections nearly 3000 of our troops have been killed and thousands of others have been severely wounded. The increase in violence this October is reminiscent of the “Tet Offensive” during the Vietnam War era. The goal is the same: turn the American public against the war.
But what is the correct course? Should we “stay the course,” as President Bush suggests? Should we set a “time table for withdrawal” as others suggest? Should we “re-deploy to Okinawa” as Congressman Murtha suggests? Should we partition the country into Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish districts?
In Robert Graves’ autobiographical novel of the Roman Emperor Claudius, Graves attributes the following quote to Claudius, as an instruction to his Roman generals.
“I would merely decide whether the expedition was to be
one of conquest or whether it would have a purely punitive character.
In the former case, vigor was to be tempered with humanity -- as
little damage as possible was to be done to captured villages and towns and to
standing crops, the local Gods were not to be humiliated, and no butchery
must be allowed once the enemy was broken in battle. In the case, however, of a
punitive expedition no mercy whatsoever need be shown: as much damage
as possible must be done to crops, villages, towns and temples, and such of the
inhabitants as were not worth taking home as slaves were to be massacred.”
Claudius the God, by Robert Graves
While “Claudius the God” is a work of fiction, there is a great deal of truth in the words Graves attributes to the Emperor. When a country goes to war, it has two choices: it can embark on a war of extermination, or it can go to war for more limited purposes. More often than not, a country embarks on a limited war in the hope of avoiding a greater war at some later date. We fight limited wars to avoid having to fight unlimited wars or wars of extermination.
If World War II, wasn’t a war of “extermination,” it came close to being one. Hitler destroyed London, and turned Stalingrad to rubble. We dropped atom bombs on two Japanese cities, and Stalin turned Berlin into a pile of debris. The war ended with “unconditional surrender” of Germany and Japan.
Since World War II, our country has been involved in a number of limited wars. We fought the Korean war to keep the North Koreans from over running South Korea. We fought the Vietnam War to keep South Vietnam a noncommunist state. We fought the first Gulf War to get Iraq out of Kuwait. All were fought in hopes of avoiding a later greater war.
Our present war in Iraq is also for limited purposes. Presidents Clinton and Bush spoke of the necessity of keeping Saddam Hussein from threatening his neighbors and the world with weapons of mass destruction. We also went into Iraq to replace a murderous dictator, and to try to stabilize the middle east by creating a democracy in the heart of the region. We have no desire to exterminate the Iraqi population, and therein lies our problem. When things don’t go well, we can’t drop the atom bomb on a suburb of Baghdad.
I think it is clear at this point in time that President Bush and his advisers seriously under- estimated the difficulty of the task. Many Iraqis, a substantial number of foreign fighters, and Iran and Syria are doing everything in their power to insure that a fundamentalist Islamic state rather than a democracy comes into being in Iraq.
President Bush, if he didn’t before, now clearly understands the wisdom of President Clinton warning to the American public:
“Whenever American forces are placed in harm's way, we risk the
loss of life. ... “
President Clinton, notwithstanding the risks to our troops, ordered air attacks.
“Heavy as they are, the costs of action must be weighed against
the price of inaction.”
The perceived “good” of coming home with the job undone is clear. No more of our troops will be killed or maimed in the deserts and cities of Iraq.
But what will happen to those people in Iraq who have thrown their lot in with us?
There are 26,000,000 people living in Iraq. It is estimated that as many as 5,000,000 of these are Kurds. The Kurdish northern part of the country has been peaceful. They’ve been our friends, and supporters. If we retreat to Okinawa, do we thrown them to the wolves? Fifteen of Iraq’s eighteen provinces are peaceful. If we pull out, will violence spread there?
Many ordinary Iraqis joined the new government, served in the security forces, and joined the new Iraqi army. Some of these undoubtedly have been playing a double game. But what about those Iraqis who truly risked their lives because they bought-in to our notions of individual freedoms and democracy? Who will protect them if we leave? Will they be executed in reprisal?
Who will take over power in Iraq if we leave? The followers of bin Laden? The followers of Muqtada al-Sadr? The remnants of Saddam’s regime? The most vicious Islamist private militia in the country?
And if an Islamist government takes power, will it be like Iran? Will it be Iran? Will it be like the Taliban? Will it be a sworn enemy to the United States?
Presently, we are the strongest power in Iraq. But if we announce a time table for withdrawal, will that not force all those who have sided with us to realign themselves with the next strongest force? What if that next strongest force is Iran, or bin Laden?
Our withdrawal will also have ramifications out side of Iraq, for both our friends and our enemies.
We have given our word to the people of Iraq to build a democracy for them. What if we break our word? Will our ally Israel be able to depend on us, or will they lose faith? Will the friendly oil rich gulf states be able to trust in our protection in the face of Iranian nuclear threats?
Will withdrawal end the war on terror? Or will we create a sanctuary where terrorists can train to strike our country and our assets around the world?
Will our failure in Iraq encourage Iran to complete their quest for the bomb, knowing that American no longer keeps its word? Will it encourage North Korea to do likewise? Will it embolden Bin Laden and his ilk?
When the men in Congress who don’t support our present policy of seeing the matter through can assure me that our country will be better off if we leave Iraq now, I’ll join their calls for getting out. When they can assure me that none of the evils that Presidents Clinton and Bush foresaw will occur, I will support withdrawal. When they assure me that my fears are chimerical, I’ll join their numbers.
But I don’t want to leave and cause the deaths of a million of our friends in Iraq. I don’t want to leave and destroy the confidence our allies have in us defending them. I don’t want to leave and give our enemies a victory and a new base. And I don’t want to withdraw from a limited war only to be required to fight a broader and more dangerous war a few years from now. That is why this Democrat would stay the course.
Posted: January 25, 2008. QCOnline.com
Copyright 2008,
John Donald O'Shea