Thursday, September 27, 2018

America's Version of Spanish Inquisition?


In the year 1603, Sir Walter Raleigh was put on trial for treason.


The indictment charged that Raleigh had conspired to kill King James I, raise a rebellion with intent to change the nation’s religion from Protestant to Catholic and subvert the government.


It further alleged that Raleigh had listened to Spanish bribe offers, and conferred and conspired with Lord Cobham to use Spanish gold, to put Lady Arabella Stuart on the English throne. Raleigh was tried by a jury of 12 knights.



His trial was conducted by a special commission, which consisted of four judges and seven laymen, with Chief Justice Popham, of King’s Bench, the English criminal court, presiding. It had been the job of the commissioners to ferret out the evidence of Sir Walter’s guilt.


Cobham was Raleigh’s sole accuser. The prosecution never produced Cobham in open court. Cobham’s testimony, instead, was produced in the form of unsigned written confessions.


Walter’s judges were plainly part of the prosecution. When Cobham was taken into custody, the commissioners had questioned Cobham to get his confession.


In 1603, what we today know as the “presumption of innocence” and the rule that the prosecution must prove its case “beyond a reasonable doubt,” had not yet become part of due process in English criminal cases. But unlike cases tried before the Spanish Inquisition, an indictment, charging a crime, began the proceedings.


Without an indictment, there could be no trial. By 1603, the requirement of a written charge, a jury trial, and protection against double jeopardy had become part of what passed for due process in English criminal trials.


Raleigh pleaded that Cobham be produced in open court, so that Raleigh could confront his accuser face-to-face and cross-examine him. His request was denied. Raleigh might open gaps in the prosecution’s evidence and thereby escape conviction.


Raleigh, because he had been charged with treason, was presumed to be guilty, just as he would have been before the Inquisition. He had no right to subpoena Cobham or any other possible defense witness to compel his witnesses to come to court.


Even worse, Raleigh, because he was a defendant, could not testify under oath on his own behalf, nor could he have the services of an attorney. He was allowed to question the only witness the prosecution produced, a sailor who testified to second and third-hand hearsay — what people in Spain had told other people who told him.



Raleigh was allowed to argue his own case to the jury. The prosecution went first, called its witness and produced written confessions and deposition. Raleigh was not required to put on his defense before he heard the prosecution’s evidence.


It was largely because of trials such as Raleigh’s that we have our Bill of Rights. In the 180-year period between Raleigh’s trial, and the adoption of our Bill of Rights, Englishmen on both sides of the ocean came to realize that “due process” (a fair trial) required certain procedural safeguards.


They include written notice of the charge, the right to counsel, the right to confront and cross-examine one’s accusers. The right to compel one’s own witness to give testimony in court, and the right to testify under oath as to one’s innocence.



In recent days, we have seen Democratic U.S. senators shamefully attempt to turn the clock back to 1603 in the Brett Kavanaugh confirmation hearing. They would presume him guilty, and require him to prove his innocence at least beyond all doubt.


They start with the presumption that if a woman accuses him, the woman must be telling the truth and he must be lying. “Bring in the burglar; we’ll give him a fair trial — and then hang him!”


Christine Blasey Ford has accused Kavanaugh of criminal misconduct that she alleges occurred some 36 years ago. She has done so in an unsworn letter and in an unsworn op-ed. Both are hearsay.


In America, prosecutions are commenced only after sworn evidence is heard and an indictment is returned. To date, there’s no sworn complaint. Ford’s attorneys have insisted that Kavanaugh testify first, without a sworn charge specifying Kavanaugh’s alleged misconduct!


Next, they insist that he put on his sworn defense before his accuser accuses him under oath, before he can confront her face-to-face, before he can cross-examine her, and without his own attorney.


That is exactly what the Spanish Inquisition did to its victims. If Democratic senators and representatives really want a return to the practices of the Spanish Inquisition, they should have the guts to unequivocally say so. If they don’t, then even a judge is entitled to due process.


And in America today, due process and fair trial are thought to require at a minimum — by every thinking man — the rights that are guaranteed to every American by the 5th and 6th Amendments to our Constitution, together with the presumption of innocence, and the requirement that the state/accuser prove the charge beyond a reasonable doubt.


Posted: QCOline.com September 27, 2018
Copyright 2018, John Donald O'Shea

Sunday, September 9, 2018

Is Civility is Dead, even at Memorial Services?


What are we becoming as a nation? Is hatred an appropriate sentiment at a funeral?

Sen. John McCain has died. Aretha Franklin has died. Both have had memorial services. And at the memorial services, those who were there to eulogize the lives of McCain and Franklin felt compelled to attack President Donald Trump.

McCain I believe was properly eulogized as a man who believed in reaching across the aisle, and who believed in civility in public discourse.

When Franklin passed away, Trump was gracious and non-political: “The Queen of Soul, Aretha Franklin, is dead. She was a great woman, with a wonderful gift from God, her voice. She will be missed!”

When McCain died, the president tweeted, “My deepest sympathies and respect go out to the family of Senator John McCain. Our hearts and prayers are with you!”

The president’s gracious and non-political tweet came not withstanding his very public differences with McCain. Compare what the president said with what was said by some of the people who spoke at the two memorials.

At the Franklin memorial service, one speaker could not limit himself to eulogizing the deceased. Instead, he felt compelled to verbally assail the president: “You lugubrious leech, you dopey doppelgänger of deceit and deviance, you lethal liar, you dimwitted dictator, you foolish fascist, she ain’t work for you.”

Jesse Jackson took the opportunity to urge Democratic voter registration. “We have long lines to celebrate death, and short lines for voting. Something is missing. If you leave here today and don’t register to vote, you’re dishonoring Aretha.”

At the McCain memorial, the senator’s adult daughter also found it impossible to engage in the very self-restraint that her father had demanded of the president.

“We gather here to mourn the passing of American greatness. The real thing, not cheap rhetoric from men who will never come near the sacrifice he gave so willingly, nor the opportunistic appropriation of those who lived lives of comfort and privilege. The America of John McCain does not need to be made great again, because America was always great.”

Again, what are we becoming as a nation? Are we no longer able to draw a line as to what is appropriate behavior at a memorial service or funeral?

Is their no longer a consensus at to what constitutes appropriate etiquette at a funeral? At a memorial service? Is hatred ever an appropriate sentiment at such a service? Is a funeral the appropriate venue for a political rally?

I have always thought that a funeral or memorial service was an appropriate time to recall our best memories of the deceased. A time to recall the good things a man has done and tried to do, the times we have shared together, and perhaps, in a warm, humorous way, the foibles of the deceased.

At least that’s the way I’d like my service to be conducted ‘’ with perhaps, in the background, a little Irish music and music from the older Broadway shows and operettas that I have loved.

I would not want to go to my grave hating anybody. If I had a political “enemy,” I would hope I might have forgiven him or her before I passed.

The time for a man to fight with his “enemies” should come to an end before he breathes his last and goes to face is God. Once ended, the fight should not be resurrected by his surrogates.

I am afraid that God might discern a modicum of hypocrisy if my friends were to pray for the repose of my soul, while hating my old adversary.

Posted: QCOline.com September 9, 2018
Copyright 2018, John Donald O'Shea

Thursday, September 6, 2018

Majority Rule? Yes, within Limits ....

Do you believe that in America the majority should rule in all cases?

Hillary Clinton won the popular vote. Do you believe she should be president?

In November of 2013, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev, and all but three Democrats voted to change the filibuster rules of the Senate. The change reduced the majority required for Senate approval of executive and judicial nominees from 60 votes to 51 votes. Fifty-two Democrats and “Independents” voted for the change. No Republicans did.

At the time, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., warned the Democrats, “You will no doubt come to regret this, and you may regret it a lot sooner than you think.”

Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, warned, “I think the minority will rue the day that they broke the rules to change the rules.”

President Barack Obama and Vice President Joe Biden, both former senators, applauded Reid’s decision.

Do you believe super-majorities should ever be required, or are you adamant that the majority should always rule? If you believe the latter, then you have no appreciation of the reason why we have a Bill of Rights.

It was added to the Constitution for the express purpose of putting certain matters beyond the will and vote of the majority. It guarantees every American religious liberty. It guarantees your choice to worship as a Catholic, or as a Baptist. Or not to worship at all.

Should the majority be able to make a law that says, “Everybody shall faithfully sacrifice to the Roman deities?” Or a law that says, “No American shall practice the Catholic faith?”

If Republicans are in the majority, should they be able to pass a law by majority vote that says, “All Republicans are exempt from paying the federal income tax, and all Democrats shall pay income taxes at a 50 percent rate?”

If the Democrats become the majority, should they by majority vote be able to pass a law that says, “All persons who voted Republican in any of the last five presidential elections shall forfeit citizenship, be reduced to slavery, and work for a Democrat slave-master for seven years?” Or that all Republicans shall attend Maoist-style “re-education camps” to be taught the virtues of socialism?

If you don’t see the danger of majority rule degenerating into mob rule, you’re blind. Our Constitution, as drafted, had no Bill of Rights.

It was the Massachusetts, Virginia and New York state ratifying conventions that insisted one be added to the Constitution.

Those Americans who insisted on a Bill of Rights were hard-headed practical men. They had seen England go from Catholic to Protestant to Catholic to Protestant at the will of the monarchs’ majority in Parliament during the consecutive reigns of Henry VII, Henry VIII, Mary and Edward VI (1485-1553).

And they watched the Civil War between Charles I and Oliver Cromwell, as Puritanism became ascendant, and then the Restoration of Charles II and the High Church (1688).

Our founders didn’t want the religion of this country changing with each new president or Congress. They outlawed establishments of religion, and guaranteed the free exercise thereof. They put the question of religion above the will of the majority.

Reid’s decision to eschew the 60-vote rule and approve judges by a majority vote has come back to haunt the Democrats; first with Neil Gorsuch, and now Brett Kavanaugh.

In the movie, “A Man for All Seasons,” the importance of laws is made magnificently clear.

William Roper: “So, now you’d give the Devil the benefit of law?”

Sir Thomas More: “Yes! What would you do? Cut a great road through the law to get after the Devil?”

Roper: “Yes, I’d cut down every law in England to do that.”

More: “Oh? And when the last law was down, and the Devil turned ‘round on you, where would you hide, the laws all being flat? This country is planted thick with laws, from coast to coast. Man’s laws, not God’s. And if you cut them down, do you really think you could stand upright in the winds that would blow then? Yes, I’d give the Devil benefit of law, for my own safety’s sake?”

Be careful what you wish for.



Posted: QCOline.com September 6, 2018
Copyright 2018, John Donald O'Shea